www.militaar.net

Jaanus2

Vaatasin Girkini esinemist. Jutust tuli välja, et need rahvavabariigid on puhtalt Vene projekt - mis oli muidugi ka niisama teada. Kõik see kaebamine, et keegi peale tema kamba ei taha sõdida ja kohalikud tahavad ainult röövida. Järelikult ei ole suurt nõudlust selle sisseveetud iseseisvuse järele.

Guevara's guerrilla force, numbering about 50[191] and operating as the ELN (Ejército de Liberación Nacional de Bolivia; "National Liberation Army of Bolivia"), was well equipped and scored a number of early successes against Bolivian army regulars in the difficult terrain of the mountainous Camiri region during the early months of 1967. As a result of Guevara's units' winning several skirmishes against Bolivian troops in the spring and summer of 1967, the Bolivian government began to overestimate the true size of the guerrilla force.[192] But in August 1967, the Bolivian Army managed to eliminate two guerrilla groups in a violent battle, reportedly killing one of the leaders.
Researchers hypothesize that Guevara's plan for fomenting a revolution in Bolivia failed for an array of reasons:

He had expected to deal only with the Bolivian military, who were poorly trained and equipped, and was unaware that the US government had sent a team of the CIA's Special Activities Division commandos and other operatives into Bolivia to aid the anti-insurrection effort. The Bolivian Army would also be trained, advised, and supplied by US Army Special Forces including a recently organized elite battalion of Rangers trained in jungle warfare that set up camp in La Esperanza, a small settlement close to the location of Guevara's guerrillas.[193]
Guevara had expected assistance and cooperation from the local dissidents that he did not receive, nor did he receive support from Bolivia's Communist Party under the leadership of Mario Monje, which was oriented toward Moscow rather than Havana. In Guevara's own diary captured after his death, he wrote about the Communist Party of Bolivia, which he characterized as "distrustful, disloyal and stupid".[194]
He had expected to remain in radio contact with Havana. The two shortwave transmitters provided to him by Cuba were faulty; thus the guerrillas were unable to communicate and be resupplied, leaving them isolated and stranded.
In addition, Guevara's known preference for confrontation rather than compromise, which had previously surfaced during his guerrilla warfare campaign in Cuba, contributed to his inability to develop successful working relationships with local leaders in Bolivia, just as it had in the Congo.[195] This tendency had existed in Cuba, but had been kept in check by the timely interventions and guidance of Fidel Castro.[196]

The end result was that Guevara was unable to attract inhabitants of the local area to join his militia during the eleven months he attempted recruitment. Near the end of the venture Guevara wrote in his diary that "the peasants do not give us any help, and they are turning into informers."[197]

19.05.2014, 00:00
На организованный по инициативе "народного губернатора" Донбасса Павла Губарева митинг, где предстояло решить вопрос об открытии границы с Россией, вчера вышло не более 1 тыс. человек. На дефицит кадров жалуется и министр обороны "Донецкой народной республики" (ДНР) Игорь Стрелков. Как руководство ДНР собирается решать эту проблему, выяснял на месте спецкор "Ъ" ИЛЬЯ Ъ-БАРАБАНОВ.

— Губарева! — скандировали собравшиеся, требуя "народного губернатора" на сцену.

— Он работает над программой новой политической партии "Новороссия",— объяснил отсутствие господина Губарева ведущий митинга.— Вечером можете посмотреть интервью с ним в программе Дмитрия Киселева.

Вместо "народного губернатора" на сцену поднялась депутат донецкого облсовета, лидер местного отделения партии "Русский блок" Наталья Белоцерковская, которая со ссылкой на российское телевидение рассказала собравшимся, что у Степана Бандеры, оказывается, была партийная кличка Баба.

На парламентских выборах 2012 «Русский блок» набрал 0,31 % и не прошёл в Раду. Больше всего партию поддерживали в Крыму, где «Русский блок» набрал 1,2 %[6]. Украинская националистическая партия «Свобода» набрала в Крыму почти столько же голосов — 1,1 %.

Thus the trap that Putin built for Ukraine in the Donbas has turned out to be a hole into which he personally has fallen and out of which he does not have a good way of getting out. “Time will work for Ukraine.” The presidential elections will take place. And “gradually the situation in Ukraine will be stabilized and the state strengthened.”

As that happens, he says, Kyiv “will have every opportunity for establishing its control” over Donetsk and Luhansk.” Indeed, “if direct massive military assistance by Russia doesn’t come, [these regimes] will fall quite quickly.”

Putin will not be able to get out of this situation “without serious negative consequences” at home. Many Russians will view any retreat, given the Kremlin’s propaganda effort, “as treason.” And as a result, “the Crimean euphoria” will give way to “the Donbas hangover,” with Putin no longer viewed as a hero but rather as a traitor.”

Such a shift in attitudes together with the arrival in Russia of the marginal elements from Donetsk, Luhansk and other parts of Ukraine could create the greatest threat to Putin’s continuation in office that he has ever faced.

kaur3 kirjutas:1

Samas tuleb teha vahet relvastatud vastupanul Kiievi võimule ja mitterelvastatud vastupanul. Reeglina on relvastatud vastupanu osutajaid väike osa sellest massist, kes ilma relvadeta on nõus vastu panema. Vaadates erinevate sotsküsitluste numbreid, siis ei tasu alahinnata selle teise grupi võimalikku tülikust tulevikus. Mis vormi see tülikus võtab, näitab aeg.

metssiga kirjutas:Kui ma näen seda värdjat, Che Chevarat, kes siin kellelgi avatar on, ma tahan tulistada. Kohe tuleb lasta, kohe. Ilma mõtlemata!

ruger kirjutas:http://censor.net.ua/forum/706633/zader ... tarya_snbo Väidetavalt kinnipeetud ajakirjanike ametinimetuse alla peitsid ennast venemeelsed "mardikad". Ka meie peame vaatama selle nimekirja üle, mis sai Krimmi "vabastamise ja liitmise" eest medaleid. Võiks meilgi tekkida piirile must nimekiri, kus selliseid "ajakirjanike" üle piiri ei lastaks vajadusel.
Varsti on vene ajakirjanike suuremas grupis ilmumine juba ohumärk-selge rohelised mehikesed tegelikult.